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You are here: Tristram Hunt MP / Uncategorized

Archive for category: Uncategorized

Wedgwood Museum High Court Ruling

19 Dec 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

The High Court has ruled that assets held by the Wedgwood Museum in Stoke-on-Trent can be sold in order to fill financial gaps in the Wedgwood Group Pension Plan. There are some 7500 members of the pension plan, of which 3500 are currently receiving a pension.

This is a sad day for Stoke-on-Trent and for the nation’s heritage. The collection of pottery at the Wedgwood Musuem is an unrivalled, one of a kind collection that showcases the ingenuity and creativity of the ceramic industry in the UK.

Tristram is now seeking urgent meetings with ministers to assess the fallout from this decision.

A full press release on the judgement can be read at http://www.tristramhunt.com/web/WedgwoodPension.pdf

Big Society, Big Danger

26 Oct 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

The Policy Network have published thier document entitled,’What mutualism means for Labour’.

My chapter, ‘Big Society, Big Danger’ can be read here.

The Diary – Financial Times 22/10/11

25 Oct 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

My ‘The Diary’ for the Financial Times.

The story can be read at http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/58c57fd2-fa4e-11e0-b70d-00144feab49a.html#axzz1bmuZTrTj or a transcript is available below.

Stoke-on-Trent’s version of the Great Wall of China isn’t visible from outer space but it is striking. In the middle of the whitewashed, high-ceilinged, dust-laden China Hall, once the beating heart of the old Spode Works, leading ceramics designers from the city, where I am MP, have put together an inspiring monument to manufacturing. Not yet up there with the Hay or Edinburgh festivals, not quite London fashion week or Frieze, but Staffordshire this October hosts the British Ceramics Biennial and can expect an influx of art students, international designers, museum curators and wily investors.

What has made this possible is a ceramics industry that’s back from the brink and is once again delivering healthy profits. So there they stand cheek-by-jowl, our modern pottery barons – Burleigh, Emma Bridgewater, Royal Crown Derby and Wedgwood. But the hero of the hour is Spode. The original manufacturer of those blue Italian willow designs, found in nearly every middle-class household, had gone bust by 2009 as it outsourced production and abandoned innovation. The company that had bested Chinese porcelain with its own bone china in the late 18th century had, in a cruel revenge of globalisation, been brought to its knees by competition from China and elsewhere.

Then the Portmeirion Group intervened – buying up the brand, returning production to Stoke and reviving its fortunes. It understood that authenticity – “Made in Staffordshire” – was essential for success. So, recently I found myself at this former Spode potbank, taking a delegation of dignitaries from Zibo in Shandong province, China, around the biennial’s installations; or, telling the Chinese about china in the old China Hall.

What is also getting us really fired up in Staffordshire is the indecision surrounding the future of the Wedgwood Museum. For readers unfamiliar with the tale (raised previously in these pages by AN Wilson), this remarkable museum – based at the Wedgwood plant in Barlaston – is in danger of liquidation thanks to a perverse piece of legislation. The Pension Protection Fund, which is meant to secure the pensions of former workers whose companies have gone into administration, is pursuing the Wedgwood Museum for tens of millions of pounds following the previous insolvency of Waterford Wedgwood. The pensioners themselves will see little benefit but Staffordshire could have itself stripped of one of the greatest ceramics collections in the world.

The museum stands as one of the great embodiments of the English Enlightenment. It was Stoke-on-Trent and Lichfield, Derby and the Derwent Valley that nurtured the enterprise and experimentation of the 18th century. With great brilliance, the museum charts that story – of Wedgwood and Erasmus Darwin, Joseph Priestley and James Watt. To have that taken away by a state agency would be an act of unspeakable cultural vandalism, and also put at risk the future of numerous local authority, company and trust museums up and down the country. I note the government has recently discovered £250m to empty the bins more regularly; we trust it might just see the value of the Wedgwood collection.

Wedgwood himself was a founding investor in the construction of the Trent and Mersey canal, which enabled him to ship his wares from Stoke to Liverpool and then across the Atlantic to the booming colonial markets of Bridgetown and Boston. Following its path, I decided to visit the new Museum of Liverpool during last month’s Labour party conference. I was sceptical of the Kim Neilsen design as yet another attack upon the waterfront by Liverpool city council. And while the nearby black-windowed Mann Island development is an absolute shocker, the Museum of Liverpool works well.

Inside, the Guggenheim-style circling wooden staircase produces a wonderfully airy space full of civic valour. Unfortunately, very few of the galleries were open but the one that was, on Liverpool’s imperial past, contained a rather interesting interpretation. During an account of the East India Company, the panel mentioned “The First War of Indian Independence”. I can only presume the curators were referring to what was once known as the Indian Mutiny of 1857.

No doubt, this version of history is regarded as inclusive and politically correct but it is, in fact, highly contested territory. Jawaharlal Nehru always thought of 1857 as the Mutiny, whereas the BJP, or Indian People’s party, like now to think of it as the first war of independence. But for British visitors, there might at least be some acknowledgement of the more well-known “Mutiny”.

The city’s galleries, however, are really about China rather than India, celebrating its historic connections with Shanghai – as well as subtly highlighting the coming global reality of growing Chinese investment in Liverpool. Or what is now known, as Wedgwood surely knew it too, as “the Atlantic Gateway”.

Back to the House of Commons and you can’t move for Conservative ministers complaining about how lazy the prime minister is. Never does his boxes; not on top of his brief; thinks he can wing it. So what does he do with his time? From the endless photoshoots of his DVD and book collection, we know he is a total philistine (unlike the Machiavellian George Osborne, who loves a good Shakespeare history play). But at least David Cameron spends time with his family.

Harold Macmillan, another Old Etonian prime minister, liked to busk the workload so he could while away the hours in his armoury of West End clubs. So much so that, as writer Ferdinand Mount recounted in a recent essay, a member of the club Pratt’s called in there one evening in the 1960s and asked whether there was anyone about that night. “Nobody at all, sir, only the prime minister.” Those were the days.

Tristram Hunt is MP for Stoke-on-Trent Central. The British Ceramics Biennial runs until November 13, www.britishceramicsbiennial.com

Stoke Stories Conference

19 Oct 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

On Saturday, 15th October 2011 the first ‘Stoke Stories’ conference was held at Staffordshire University.

The conference brought together delegates from the Third Sector, Social Enterprises and local businesses to start conversations about civic regeneration and how those with the means can help those addressing the needs.

I must thank the WEA and the RSA for their continued support in organising the vote and also Paul Richards and Staffordshire University for hosting the day.

The RSA’s Matthew Taylor has written a wonderful blog on the day and that can be read here. 

http://www.matthewtaylorsblog.com/thersa/stoking-the-flames-of-renewal/

The Importance of Studying History

19 Sep 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

You can read my article from ‘History Workshop Journal’ on the Importance of Studying History and the impact that the Coalition cuts are having on secondary History education.

www.tristramhunt.com/web/studyingthepast.pdf

The Class Ceiling, Radio 4

13 Sep 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

Polly Toynbee discusses class and the class system that is so ingrained in British culture.

Comments from Stoke-on-Trent Central MP, Tristram Hunt, on the impact of class on Stoke-on-Trent and the decline of heavy industry can be heard at 16 minutes into the programme.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/console/b014629m

Why Sunderland and Stoke are the tomorrow’s world of the UK economy

28 Jun 2011 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

This article by Julian Glover appeared in The Guardian on 28th June 2011.  You can read the full article here or read a transcript below.

*****

Why Sunderland and Stoke are the tomorrow’s world of the UK economy.  By Julian Glover, The Guardian.

At some point in the 1970s I had a Ladybird book illustrating the cars of the future: a happy British family was shown racing along an empty road in an all-electric car with Ford Cortina styling; a device at service stations swapped empty batteries for charged ones. This all looked convincing. Only it didn’t happen. Electric cars remain tomorrow’s invention: like low-carbon jobs and tilting our economy back from finance to manufacturing, they are easier to dream about than achieve.

Or so I thought until last week, when I drove a real electric car along real roads in an English city that will soon be making them from Welsh steel. Nissan was lured to Sunderland in the 80s by Conservative politicians and encouraged to go electric more recently by Labour ones. The company’s Leaf car was engineered in Japan and is currently made there, but soon 50,000 a year will be made on Wearside. Already a new battery plant has been built and a training college is under construction by the factory gates to educate mechanics in the mysteries of the lithium-ion future.

This car works: fast enough for my Nissan guide to frown as I gunned it past Newcastle’s speed cameras. Apart from the silence and limited range – 110 miles on a £2 charge – you wouldn’t know it was anything other than a standard shiny, slightly bling family car. Driving it from the factory I felt less gloomy than usual about Britain’s chances of paying its way in the world. Manufacturing – as the BBC’s Evan Davis says in his new book and TV series – still matters.

The Sunderland plant is eye-opening for a columnist who has never seen a 500-tonne press stamp out car doors faster than a cook can cut pastry. It makes a car every 30 seconds at full tilt, sending most of them abroad. These undistinguished low-slung white sheds account for 1.4% of Britain’s manufactured exports; 4,900 people work in the factory, which, says Nissan, supports 13,500 more jobs across the country.

I’d expected a place where Britishness had been subordinated: but this is more than an assembly plant following instructions sent from Tokyo. It feels part of the north-east. There is noise, pop music playing, a smell of oil and drying paint, sparks – and ironic cheers as the production line kicked back into life after a 30-minute lunch break.

The scale is astonishing, too: the twin production lines run for miles. Dashboards are wheeled across on robot trolleys; seats descend from the ceiling; car bodies plunge into baths of grey undercoat and are brushed by giant wheels of ostrich feathers as they dry; a petrol pump slides along and engines start for the first time with a puff of blue smoke, roaring to 110kmh on a test rig. It’s oddly endearing to watch a newborn car come to life: like a baby’s first gurgle.

Better still would be an electric car; but not yet. Even so, the British car industry is more than clinging on. This month Nissan confirmed that Britain would design, engineer and make a new model: a £192m investment that did not need state aid. Nor is this a happy exception. With some trumpeting from Downing Street and a lot of help from the last government (motor people are fans of the former business secretary Lord Mandelson), BMW has just invested £500m in the Mini. Jaguar Land Rover has reversed a decision to close one of its plants. Something, even, is stirring at Chinese-owned Longbridge, which Wen Jiabao visited on Sunday before coming to London to call for more trade and less talk of human rights.

Less overtly, other parts of the car industry are beginning to do the same. A cheap pound has meant two good years for British exporters of all sorts, most far smaller and more specialised than Nissan’s plant. Manufacturing accounts for 12% of GDP, more than financial services, and manufacturing output is up 1.3% on a year ago (though growth has stalled). But future growth will come from sales to markets beyond the stagnant EU: and some in the motor industry are beginning to argue Europe is not the best place from which to achieve that. Growing markets want car plants of their own.

Manufacturing is more than the nostalgic buy-British metal-bashing romance of old. But there’s cause for anxiety. This month, for instance, the latest big order for London’s commuter trains went to a German company that will make most parts of them abroad, rather than the Canadian one that owns Britain’s last real train factory in Derby.

There’s a danger, I suppose, of fetishising manufacturing – just as, not long ago, the government fell in love with big finance. The argument that an economy that doesn’t actually make things you can touch isn’t a real economy is, of course, naive. And even Nissan finds it hard to persuade school-leavers to become apprentices rather than hairdressers. Working in a factory is hard, mostly poorly paid, and robotic. On top of that, companies that compete only on cost won’t survive, however much the state cherishes them.

But the alternative is worse: writing off industries on the grounds that defending them from cheap imports is hardly worth the bother.

This is what happened in Stoke-on-Trent, where the ceramics industry has imploded and now employs only 7,000 people in the city – or 1,500 fewer than depend on jobseeker’s allowance. It’s now obvious that this collapse was unnecessary, or at least way too big. The firms that remain – such as Steelite and Portmeirion – are expanding and some production being brought back from Asia. Japanese collectors do not want their Wedgewood made in Indonesia. Emma Bridgewater’s cosy creamware has brought a factory back to life: a million miles from Nissan, it feels part National Trust, with an Aga in the kitchen and good coffee, and part Stoke as it once was and still could be.

In his book of watercolour illustrations, The Lost City of Stoke-on-Trent, Emma Bridgewater’s husband, Matthew Rice, records the city’s fall. State-sponsored redevelopment flattened Stoke’s Victorian past, but never really came up with a viable present or future. Billions have been wasted, a fraction of which might have modernised ceramics as the state encouraged Nissan. At an evening meeting at the Bridgewater factory this month, I heard Stoke’s civic leaders defend the idea that their city should make things against well-meant advice that everyone should commute on the fast train to Manchester.

David Cameron has at least travelled to Stoke, to launch a new enterprise scheme – incredibly the first prime minister to visit in over 30 years. But the old problems remain: especially the banks’ unwillingness to lend. It seems odd that small firms are left hoping for support from Handelsbanken, a Swedish bank that, unlike state-owned British ones, is willing to trust its branches to lend to small firms in the north and Midlands.

My Ladybird book may have been childish, but was it unrealistic to think there’s a tomorrow’s world to get enthusiastic about? Our problem isn’t a lack of skills, enterprise or technical cleverness: Nissan’s British plant is one of its most efficient anywhere. Rather, we remain unconvinced that we can make a go of making things. The evidence says otherwise, but we do not choose to believe it.

What Dave Can Do For Nick

07 Dec 2010 / 2 Comments / in Blog, Uncategorized/by Tristram

The Financial Times reports that David Cameron likes to end political discussions in Downing Street with the question, ‘What can we do for Nick?’  From the top down, an urgent need to throw the Liberal Democrat leader a few bones from the Coalition table is what permeates government thinking.  Not the national interest; but the party interest.  It is the classic failing of Coalitions. 

But the chickens have now come home to roost and this Thursday David can do very little for Nick.  The vote on tuition fees will smoke the Liberal Democrats out: they are either for junking their election commitments or against.  They are either for an 80% cut in the teaching grant and massive escalation of fees or against.  They are either for the humanities or against.

Extraordinarily, some Liberal Democrat ministers think it might still be acceptable to abstain or even vote against government policy.  Wonderfully, the last few days have seen Vince Cable practice for his hokey-cokey Strictly Come Dancing appearance with an in and out, yes and no public deliberation of his voting intentions.  At time of writing, the Cabinet minister introducing this legislation is voting for it. 

So, because the Liberal Democrats are new to power and innately confused about its meaning, it might be worth a little exposition on the nature of collective responsibility.  Government is a singular concept, designed to ensure the security of the nation, not magnify squabbling egos around the Cabinet table. To maintain this, Collective Cabinet responsibility is one of the oldest and most important traditions of Government, dating back to when the Cabinet was an advisory body to the Monarch. As Lord Armstrong of Ilminster, former Cabinet Secretary, has written ‘We have a system of Cabinet Government, not a system of Presidential or Chief Executive Government. Cabinet Ministers are explicitly collectively responsible for the policies and actions of the Governments of which they are members’.

As Britain lacks a written constitution, there is no specific rule that has to be obeyed. However, the idea is enshrined in the ‘Ministerial Code’ which states that ‘Ministers must uphold the principle of collective responsibility.’  This is defined as ‘questions which significantly engage the collective responsibility of the Government, because they raise major issues of policy or because they are of critical importance to the public.’  One might think, for example, on the future of higher education funding.

The alternative is for the Prime Minister to allow a ‘free vote’ or an ‘agreement to differ’ on issues, where ministers can vote as they please rather than as part of the Government. Free votes are relatively common and tend to concern ‘issues of conscience’, such as abortion. Agreements to differ are rarer: there have been only three over the past century. But never before has the Minister introducing a bill also threatened to oppose it.

The Prime Minister is currently allowing the Cabinet to act as if there is an agreement to differ in place, without it actually being announced to Parliament. The Times, at the time the Coalition formed in May, reported, ‘Collective Cabinet responsibility has had to be suspended over some intractable policy disagreements. Lib Dems will be allowed to abstain from votes on Tory tax breaks for married couples and higher tuition fees’.

But this isn’t what the Coalition Agreement actually says. The Coalition Agreement contains the statement ‘if the response of the Government to Lord Browne’s report is one that Liberal Democrats cannot accept, the arrangements will be made to enable Liberal Democrat’s to abstain in any vote’. The ‘Government’ here responding to the Browne report consists of Ministers from both parties. There is a critical difference between Liberal Democrat MPs, not part of the Government, and Liberal Democrat Ministers, who are.

The Liberal Democrats still cannot shake off the self-indulgence of opposition; hoping to enjoy the Red Boxes without the responsibility. And like a parent humoring their children, Cameron is refusing to impose discipline. So here’s what Dave can do for Nick: tell him and his party to grow up and vote for their government policy – or give up.

The history of everyman.

25 Nov 2010 / Comments Off / in Uncategorized/by Office

Click HERE to read Tristram’s latest article for the Guardian, highlighting the decline of historical biographies and rise of TV History.

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